A Court That Will Not Be Questioned — And Punishes Those Who Try

On 16th May 2026, a Division Bench of the Delhi High Court imposed a six-month simple prison sentence on advocate and YouTuber Gulshan Pahu and fined him ₹2000 for criminal contempt of court, under the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971. But his crime was taanashahi (dictatorship) and manmarzi (arbitrary) in the Indian judiciary. This article looks critically at the verdict, the structural dilemmas of the contempt proceedings and what is disclosed by the case about the role of the judiciary in relation to public accountability.
The chilling message from the Delhi High Court, presided over by Justices Navin Chawla and Ravinder Dudeja, to the already weak Indian civil society, on May 16, 2026, was that "criticism of the judiciary is an offence and could result in jail time.
So, it goes to the credit of a Delhi High Court, presided by Justices Navin Chawla and Ravinder Dudeja, that the court, on May 16, 2026, delivered the following verdict: Criticism of judiciary is an offence and could lead to jail time.
Under Section 2(c) of the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971, Gulshan Pahuja, an advocate and YouTuber, was slapped with six months' simple imprisonment and a fine of ₹2,000 for criminal contempt.
His alleged crime? The judicial system of the Indian State is a dictatorship — taanashahi. It had been an arbitrary and whimsical way of doing things, which they termed manmarzi. Simply and publicly stating his expectation for no justice from it. Both are awkward and unavoidable questions for India to ask: Was he wrong?
The contempt proceedings stemmed from a series of videos Pahuja posted on his YouTube channel, Fight 4 Judicial Reforms, which by its very name was dedicated to the cause of judicial reforms. In those videos, he met judges' advocates Shiv Narayan Sharma and Deepak Singh, who allegedly spoke ill of the behaviour of certain judicial officers.
There is an egregious point to note here: In this case of impartiality, the complainants were judges. A system that puts itself in the center of the criticism does not act in a just manner, but in a self-preserving manner. The structural conflict of interest in this proceeding was addressed by the court at the heart of the issue, with a complete blank check.
Pahuja asked for a recall of the April 21 conviction order in his sentencing hearing, saying the proceedings were marred by procedural irregularities — he had not been "fully heard", the judges in the case were not summoned and had not been produced at the hearing for cross-examination, and articles 14, 20(3) and 21 of the Constitution had been violated.
Therefore this institution that found him guilty decided that his conviction was correct. It's hard to imagine what due process even means in a court where everybody is the complainant, the judge, and the last word.
The court had given the maximum sentence of six months, clearly saying that it would have made Pahuja bolder. Maximum. For words. For a video in YouTube.
These are not threats. These are no lies. Those are the voiced frustrations of a citizen and lawyer who has been at the heart of America's system and has come to understand its shortcomings. A state that sentences to jail people who want to be released from falsehoods, lies, and dishonesty, seeking only to be set free by their creator, is an institution that has renounced its moral responsibility.
So the irony is quite obvious: a man jailed for describing the judiciary as a dictatorship has, through his confinement, made a pretty good case for himself.
The Contempt of Courts Act 1971 is a remnant of the colonial past, and a law that was meant to protect judicial power rather than provide fair trials. In a working democracy, the press, the citizen and the public critic should have the liberty of criticizing institutions, even courts.
As is often said, the Supreme Court of India has, on several occasions, recognised that the people's trust in the judiciary can be won by its conduct, not sustained by a threat of prosecution. However, the Pahuja verdict is a complete violation of this principle in the most glaring of ways.
The Delhi HC's order highlighted that "criticism of the judicial system is acceptable but any "scandalising" "without repentance" of the judiciary system can be met with the "maximum sanction" available under the law.
However, who is to decide 'scandalising'? The court itself. It is up to the body being criticized to determine whether the criticism has "crossed the line. This is not a matter of law; it's a matter of judges alone.
As Pahuja had indicated his willingness to move the Supreme Court against the High Court's judgment, the court granted him a stay of the punishment for 60 days under Section 19(3) of the Contempt of Courts Act. This is not magnanimity, it's just doing what is right.
The Supreme Court now has an historic role to play. It will have to determine if the Contempt of Courts Act, used as a weapon in this instance, passes constitutional muster under Article 19(1)(a) – the right to free speech. More generally, it should examine whether such a piece of legislation, which is intended to allow judges to punish those who abuse them, belongs in a democratic republic.
Pahuja, interestingly, is still claiming that there is a constitutional irregularity in the proceedings: that he was deprived of the “natural justice” of which every accused is entitled to. These arguments should be considered, taken and put to a panel of people free from institutional self-interest, without prejudice and seriously.
Conclusion: Accountability Has No Exemptions Gulshan Pahuja could have been out of his league. He may have been strident. He might not have had the “politeness” that courts require. The remedy in a democracy for fake speech is, however, not silence maintained by imprisonment. The solution is transparency, accountability and the ability to be challenged.
Indian courts are not immune to the eye of the law. It can't be faulted. When the institution is a dictatorship and it catches and imprisons, in or out, the one who condemned it, it has, with terrible inadvertence, illustrated its own point.
The Contempt of Courts Act need to be looked into again. Self-initiated contempt must be counteracted on structural grounds. The question Gulshan Pahuja dared to ask, ‘who watches the watchmen'? cannot be let go in a prison cell.